How India's textbooks shaped the perception of Qutbuddin Aibak — and what they deliberately left out.
Open any standard Indian school history textbook from Class VI through XII and you will find Qutbuddin Aibak described with words like: "great administrator," "founder of the Delhi Sultanate," "known for generosity," and "builder of magnificent monuments."
The standard narrative portrays him as a benevolent ruler who, despite being a slave, rose through merit, administrated fairly, and left behind architectural masterpieces. His nickname "Lakh Baksh" — giver of lakhs — is mentioned approvingly. The Qutb Minar and Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque are taught as his "contributions to Indian architecture."
This is not historical accuracy. It is deliberate historical amnesia — a political choice made by post-Independence India's educational establishment to promote "composite culture" narratives at the expense of documented historical truth.
The Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque's own inscription — still legible at the Qutb Complex in Delhi — records that it was built from materials of 27 demolished Hindu and Jain temples. This is not a claim made by critics of Aibak. It is carved in the monument itself. Yet this fact is absent from most Indian textbooks.
The following are representative examples of how Qutbuddin Aibak is described in NCERT and state-board textbooks used across India:
After Indian Independence in 1947, the dominant intellectual-political consensus — associated with Jawaharlal Nehru and his academic allies — prioritized "composite culture" narratives. The goal was building a secular India where Hindu-Muslim harmony would be promoted through a carefully curated vision of history.
Historians favored by the establishment — associated with institutions like the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR) — systematically downplayed, euphemized, or omitted the documented atrocities of medieval Islamic rulers in Indian textbooks.
Historian Arun Shourie in Eminent Historians: Their Technology, Their Line, Their Fraud (1998) documented in detail how India's official history establishment — despite having access to the primary sources — systematically excluded material that did not fit the preferred narrative. Temple destructions would be mentioned in footnotes, if at all. Mass enslavement would be omitted entirely.
The most powerful evidence against Aibak comes not from his critics but from his supporters. Hasan Nizami's Taj-ul-Maasir, written as a celebration of Aibak's and Ghori's achievements, describes temple destructions, enslavements, and forced conversions as religious achievements worthy of praise. When your own propagandists brag about the atrocities, historians have no excuse for minimizing them.
These are not interpretations. These are direct primary source quotations. The mosque's own inscription admits to "27 demolished temples." Aibak's own court historian celebrates the burning and demolition. The physical evidence of repurposed Hindu temple columns is visible to every visitor to the Qutb Complex in Delhi.
The Qutb Minar complex in Delhi, Mehrauli, is open to the public. Every Indian can visit and see: the repurposed Hindu temple columns with their original carvings, the Arabic foundation inscription recording the demolition of 27 temples, and the structure of a mosque built on India's broken sacred heritage. UNESCO protects it as a "World Heritage Site" — without explaining whose world was destroyed to build it.